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Yesterday, the African Development Bank (AfDB) signed two key agreements to further boost energy access in Madagascar. The contracts were signed by Rindra Hasimbelo Rabarinirinarison, Madagascar’s Minister of Economy and Finance, and Kevin Kariuki, Vice President for Power, Energy, Climate and Green Growth at the AfDB. The first one covers the $118m Power Transmission Network Reinforcement and Interconnection Project in Madagascar Phase 2, or PRIRTEM-II. The scheme notably comprises the construction of a 135 km, 220 kV double-circuit interconnection line with a capacity of 300 MW between the Tana Sud 3 (TS3) and Vinaninkarena substations. It also involves the construction of the TS3 220/90/20 kV and Vinaninkarena 220/63/20 kV transformer substations, and the electrification of 19 villages to electrify about 1,000 households. The second one is even more significant because it consists in the execution of project agreements for the 205 MW Sahofika Hydropower Project. The facility will be Madagascar’s biggest hydroelectric station upon completion and will generate hundreds of millions of dollars of savings on fuel costs by displacing expensive thermal power generation. While a pre-feasibility study was done in the 1980s, it is only in 2015 when the Government of Madagascar launched an international tender for the project that its plans were put back in the table. The new $825m facility will be built on a Build Own Operate Transfer (BOT) basis by a consortium gathered into Nouvelle Energie Hydroélectrique de l’Onive (NEHO) and led by the Eiffage group. Upon completion, it will be operated and maintained by the Eranove group after its connection to the grid of JIRAMA, Madagascar’s national electricity company. The African Development Bank (AfDB) is acting as Mandated Lead Arranger. Full details on the Sahofika Hydropower Project are available in the “Projects” section within your Hawilti+ research terminal.

Hawilti has released today its Nigeria LPG Watch for Q3 2021. The report brings you the latest on market trends currently affecting Nigeria’s liquefied petroleum gas value-chain, from supply disruptions to prices fluctuations. After a record LPG supply into Nigeria in Q2 this year, Q3 witnessed more moderate deliveries as global supply chain disruptions affect imports and rapidly evolving prices make it challenging to operate business as usual.  Record high global gas prices coupled with Nigeria’s currency crisis have notably sent LPG cylinder prices up the roof, potentially affecting demand growth in the short term.  QoQ LPG supply into Nigeria was down -4.87% in Q3 with almost 266,000 tonnes discharged at Nigerian jetties. Domestic supply continues to grow and recorded its highest volumes on record, with over 144,000 tonnes of LPG sourced domestically in Q3. Both Q2 and Q3 saw higher domestic supplies than imports, confirming the growth of Nigeria’s local LPG supply.  The full report is available in the “Research” section within your Hawilti+ research terminal.

African Infrastructure Investment Managers (AIIM) has announced it has successfully completed a capital increase of ZAR 5.5 bn (about $370m) for its IDEAS Managed Fund (IDEAS) dedicated to infrastructure financing in the Southern African Development Community (SADC) region. “The new commitments were secured from 19 key South African institutional and pension fund investors, with two thirds of the capital being committed by new investors to the Fund,” AIIM said in a statement. The fundraise notably exceeded the company’s initial ZAR4.5bn ($301m) target by 20% and has taken the size of the open-ended fund to over ZAR 22 bn ($1.475bn). IDEAS has already been a critical investor in some of Southern Africa’s most famous sustainable infrastructure projects, and has allocated 75% of its capital so far to the renewable energy space. Such investments have notably seen the fund invest in several solar PV plants under South Africa’s Renewable Energy Independent Power Producer Procurement Programme (REIPPPP). Freshly raised capital will support the expansion of IDEAS’ portfolio in additional sustainable infrastructure assets, with additional investment likely to be made into South Africa’s new renewable energy projects currently at the procurement stage.

Mining and metals company South32 has announced it is exercising its pre-emptive rights to acquire Mitsubishi’s 25% shareholding in Mozal Aluminium, Mozambique’s largest industrial employer. Mitsubishi currently holds the 25% via MCA Metals Holding GmbH with the rest of the shares owned by South32 (47.1%), the Industrial Development Corporation (IDC) of South Africa (24%) and the Government of Mozambique (3.9%). Depending on whether the IDC also exercises its pre-emptive rights, South32’s shareholding could increase to either 72.1% or 63.7%, giving it’s a majority shareholding in the asset. The $250m transaction represents a strategic move for South32 as it integrates with the alumina it produces from its Worlsey Alumina refinery in Australia.

Unsurprisingly, Paul Rusesabagina was sentenced to 25 years in prison on Monday, September 20, by the Kigali Tribunal. On trial since February, the former manager of the Hôtel des Mille Collines, who became a fierce opponent of President Paul Kagame, was found guilty of supporting a “terrorist” group which “attacked people in their homes, in their cars”, in the words of Judge Béatrice Mukamurenzi. While Paul Rusesabagina confirmed his participation in the creation of the National Liberation Forces (FLN), the armed wing of the Rwandan Movement for Democratic Change (MRCD) responsible for attacks that killed nine people in 2018 and 2019 in the southwest of Rwanda, he rejected any involvement in these crimes. Since March, the 67-year-old opponent, who appeared with 17 other defendants, boycotted the court hearings with his lawyers, denouncing a “political” trial made possible by his “kidnapping” by the Rwandan authorities. According to the indictment drafted by the attorney general of the Kigali court, Paul Rusesabagina was charged with nine counts relating to acts of terrorism. In the investigation, carried out by Rwanda in collaboration with the Belgian judicial authorities, he appears as the founder and “one of the main financiers of the FLN”, which he admits to having “supported up to 20,000 euros”.

On September 16th, ECOWAS took more severe sanctions against Colonel Mamady Doumbouya and his acolytes. Members of the putschist junta were thus prohibited from traveling and using their pecuniary property in banks. They were also ordered to organize presidential and legislative elections within 6 months, without the possibility of participating themselves. The demands were on the table of negotiations during talks between ECOWAS President Akufo-Addo and his Ivorian counterpart Alassane Ouattara and officials from the National Rally and Development Committee (CNRD) in Conakry last week. But the CNRD, who had remained silent in the face of ECOWAS sanctions and injunctions, does not seem to envisage the prospect of a short transition. “The only calendar that is worthwhile is that of the Guinean people who have suffered so much,” declared Mamady Doumbouya on Tuesday, at the start of the days of consultation. The CNRD also indicated that ousted President Alpha Condé (who still refuses to resign) will not leave Guinea, and that no pressure will change his decision.

by John Nauright, Dean, Richard J. Bolte, Sr. School of Business, Mount St. Mary’s University, and Sarah Zipp, Lecturer, Faculty of Health Science and Sport, University of Stirling Former US president Barack Obama’s decision to invest in the National Basketball Association’s Africa venture reflects a lot about his past – his basketball playing youth and his African roots. It also signals that his future ambitions stretch beyond US borders. The Basketball Africa League was launched in 2021 as a collaboration between the National Basketball Association (NBA) and the International Basketball Federation (FIBA) . The inaugural competition consisted of 12 teams from 12 different countries. The Egyptian team, Zamalek, won the first championship over a Tunisian squad. The competition includes leading teams from national leagues who qualify for the tournament, much like international club competitions such as the UEFA Champion’s League. The Basketball Africa League competition is jointly operated by the NBA and FIBA according to the President of Basketball Africa Africa League,Amadou Gallo Fall. Obama decided to invest, marrying his love of basketball with his desire to contribute to African social and economic development. Through The Obama Foundation, he is helping train African leaders of the future as well as to promote the continent globally. Obama, basketball and diplomacy Obama grew up playing basketball, winning a high school state championship in Hawaii and later playing at Occidental College in California. He played in the Senate gym during his time there and was known to have celebrities like Magic Johnson join in on his White House pick-up games. During a campaign event for President Joe Biden last November, cameras caught Obama casually sink a three-pointer while passing through a school gym. His basketball skills earned him some street credentials as a politician, helping the brainy Ivy-leaguer seem more grounded. Sports has historically been a useful tool for international diplomacy, a point Obama stressed in the announcement of his deal with the NBA. He isn’t the first president to go this route. Former US president Richard Nixon used table tennis to thaw relations with communist China in the 1970s. His campaign was labelled Ping Pong diplomacy. Decades later, the US State Department officially established the sports diplomacy programme in response to the September 11 terrorist attacks in 2001. The programme – which is still going strong today – is aimed at reaching out to young people in middle eastern countries. Since then, the programmes have expanded globally with a wide range of initiatives. While Obama’s role in NBA Africa is not directly linked to US diplomatic efforts, his presence serves as a type of informal diplomacy in a region where the US has struggled to sustain a constant positive diplomatic role. An international NBA For several decades the National Basketball Association has been focused on expanding into the international market as a source of talent, revenue and fans. There was a long campaign to bring a Chinese star to the League which culminated in Yao Ming joining the Houston Rockets in 2002. The NBA and its players have had a longer relationship with Africa. In 1959, the US State Department sponsored Boston Celtics star Bill Russell’s tour of West Africa. As a result of his time in Africa, Russell bought a rubber plantation in Liberia. The media praised Russell’s venture as proof of black capitalist success and his visit raised the profile of basketball in the region. Nigeria’s Hakeem Olajawan became the first African player in the NBA in 1984, paving the way for dozens of of future NBA stars from Africa, including Manute Bol, Dikembe Motumbo and dozens of current players. The NBA began its Basketball Without Borders programme in 2001, beginning in Europe at the same time they were working to bring Yao Ming to the US. From 2003 it has been engaged in expanding its presence in Africa drawing on the popularity of Olajawan and others who had begun to succeed in the NBA. Since retirement Olajawan has been NBA ambassador in Africa. He also made a special appearance for Team Africa at the 2015 NBA Africa exhibition game in South Africa. In 2003 the NBA expanded its annual Basketball Without Borders programme to Johannesburg, South Africa, not in the region where the NBA’s African players had originated, but in the most lucrative market. The NBA opened its Africa office in Johannesburg, South Africa, in 2010 and continued to expand efforts across the continent culminating in the launch of the international tournament in 2021. Presidential connection Recently, US presidents and their families have become increasingly connected to professional sports. The difference in Obama’s case is the international scope of his engagement, showing that he sees himself playing a role outside the US. Over the past year, the former president has increased his public presence. He joined the Joe Biden campaign leading up to the November election, released his latest book, A Promised Land, and launched a podcast with singer Bruce Springsteen. After four years of relative silence during the Trump presidency, Obama seems to be re-emerging from the shadows. Obama and his wife, Michelle Obama, were voted the Most Admired Man and Most Admired Woman in the world in a 2020 survey across 42 countries. His popularity will surely boost the prospects for NBA Africa and expand his own brand as a global entrepreneur and philanthropist. While the expansion of the NBA’s reach may help basketball’s growth in Africa, there is no doubt that the combination of the world’s premier basketball league with the most popular African-descended leader will do much to promote the league’s brand as well as help shape future growth of basketball on the African continent. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

by Moses B. Ekong, Senior Lecturer, The University of Uyo Epilepsy is a brain disorder that arises from imbalances of brain chemicals called neurotransmitters. This disorder manifests as recurring seizure, unconsciousness and momentary loss of memory. These events are frequent and unpredictable. This is because the brain cells called neurons either overwork or are unable to balance the release of two chemicals that are vital for normal brain function: gamma aminobutyric acid and glutamate. The burden of epilepsy in Nigeria is high, with estimated prevalence of eight per 1,000 people. Adults over 55 years of age have a higher risk factor of developing epilepsy because they are more likely to have head injury, stroke or develop brain tumours or Alzheimer’s disease, which can all cause epilepsy. But epilepsy does occur in childhood too. Epilepsy is a serious condition and it can be difficult to find the right drug to treat it. Some commonly used antiepileptic drugs may show adverse effects. Most are expensive, and some may be ineffective. There’s therefore a need to explore new alternatives. A plant that grows in Nigeria shows promise as the source of a new drug. Tetrapleura tetraptera also known as aidan and uyayak, is a tree found in the West African rainforest belt. It is single-stemmed and about 30 m in height. Its fruit, the most utilised part, is green when unripe, dark red-brown when fully ripe, and 22-27 cm in length. This fruit gives a characteristic aromatic odour, making it a sought-after spice in some Nigerian dishes. Some traditional medical practices, as well as research reports, piqued our interest in its potential in epilepsy management. Our research into the plant found that an extract of its fruit could protect against seizure and prevent brain degeneration. It could therefore be studied further for the development of a new antiepileptic drug. What we did To test the plant’s properties, we induced sustained seizure in laboratory animals and gave the fruit extract to some of the animals. We gave a standard antiepileptic drug, sodium valproate, to another group of animals. Approval for the study was granted by the Faculty of Basic Medical Sciences Ethical Committee, University of Uyo, Nigeria. All recommendations and protocols involving handling and care of the animals by the National Research Council of the United States of America were strictly adhered to in our research. The aidan extract prevented the manifestation of seizure just like the sodium valproate. Epilepsy causes brain cell degeneration. But we found that aidan protected the animals’ brains against degeneration better than the sodium valproate. Neurodegenerative diseases cause the brain and nerves to deteriorate over time. They can change personality and cause confusion. They can also destroy brain tissue and nerves. We found useful properties in the plant’s phytochemicals – the compounds it produces. Phytochemicals, also called secondary metabolites, are the active constituents of such plants. These include tannins, phenolics, saponins, alkaloids, steroids, flavonoids and terpenoids. Metabolites help the body to withstand stress, overcome cell injury and fight against germs, among other functions. The ratios of these phytochemicals to one another determine the unique properties of plants. Aidan is rich in phenols, alkaloids and flavonoids; these phytochemicals are responsible for the antioxidant properties of plants known to protect against metabolic stress. Metabolic stress often leads to a spectrum of disease conditions. Aidan is also a source of calcium, phosphorous, potassium, zinc and vitamins. This makes the plant very useful nutritionally and medicinally. What next? Our findings are important as the potentials of this plant can be explored for antiepileptic drug development. As a natural product, it does not only possess antiepileptic activity, it has numerous constituents that may also serve as alternative medication or an addition to medications in other related disease conditions. Clinical trials of either crude or pure samples can be undertaken for anti-epileptic drug development as a first phase of clinical utilisation of the plant. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

by Chris Changwe Nshimbi, Director & Research Fellow, University of Pretoria Hakainde Hichilema’s election victory is the third time an opposition leader has unseated an incumbent president in Zambia since 1991. The victory bequeaths on the new president and his party, the United Party for National Development (UPND), the immense task of restoring the rule of law, fixing the ailing economy and uniting a divided nation. Hichilema won the poll with 59.38% of the vote. He secured a 1 million-vote lead over his closest rival and incumbent, Edgar Lungu of the Patriotic Front. Lungu polled 38.33%. The election was effectively a referendum on Lungu and the conduct of his party during his tenure from 2015 to 2021. Zambians opted to believe in the campaign promises of his opponent. Hichilema promised to grow the economy to alleviate people’s suffering, restore the rule of law, end corruption and that, unlike his opponents, he was not contesting to secure a job. Contested candidacy Lungu’s candidature was controversial and highly contested. He completed his predecessor, the late Michael Sata’s unfinished term in 2016. He then served a full five-year term after beating, Hichilema in elections held that same year by a narrow margin. In 2021 Lungu was contesting for office in what some argued would effectively be a third term. The Constitutional Court was thrice petitioned to declare him ineligible. The court ruled in Lungu’s favour on all the occasions. It found that he had served only a year, not a full presidential term, between 2015 and 2016 after Sata’s death. This made him eligible to contest the polls in 2021. In the end it was the ballot box that ended his tenure. The arrogance of power displayed by the Patriotic Front in defying the concerns of the country’s citizens in the way it ran the affairs of state drove voters to voice their displeasure. There were a number of reasons the electorate decided to back his opponent. Zambians were irked by the decline of democracy under Lungu, as shown by intimidation, harassment and arrests of members of the oposition, and critics of the government. Human rights violations were on the rise. In December 2020, a state prosecutor and a United Party for National Development supporter were shot dead when police fired on a crowd that had gathered near police headquarters to protest the harassment of Hichilema. The Lungu government even tried to amend the constitution. Experts said this would have taken parliament’s oversight over the executive, creating a constitutional dictatorship. Levels of corruption also reached unprecedented levels. In 2018, the Financial Intelligence Centre reported acts of corruption estimated at about $284 million. That same year, Finland, Ireland, Sweden and the UK withheld aid worth about $34 million because they were concerned about corruption and financial mismanagement. In 2019, the money laundering and terrorist financing trends report of Zambia’s Financial Intelligence Centre disclosed that public officials had influenced the awarding of contracts. Corruption linked to public sector procurement was a major contributor to proceeds of crime. Misplaced priorities Zambians went to the 2021 polls in the midst of a second debt crisis created under the Lungu government. The cost of living had also soared as the annual inflation rate was the highest in about two decades. Lungu built his campaign on the physical infrastructure his government put up and increased government control of Zambia’s mines. He promised to roll out more infrastructure if reelected. But for many in Zambia economic conditions were tough. The economy got worse and many remained jobless and disgruntled on his watch. Unemployed young people and households struggling to meet basic needs against escalating prices of essential commodities blamed the government for the worsening conditions. Some analysts attributed Zambia’s economic woes to undisciplined debt accumulation to finance the projects Lungu boasted about. The combination of high government debt and a weak economy meant that Zambia couldn’t service its debts. Lungu’s government had a fallout with international financial markets after it defaulted on debt repayment in 2020 . The International Monetary Fund (IMF) had refused to bailout Zambia in 2016 over concerns about government’s commitment to economic reforms. The IMF resumed talks with Zambia to reform the economy in February 2021, but a deal was unlikely until after the election. Failed reelection strategy In past elections the Patriotic Front used infrastructure and the tribalism trump card to beat Hichilema. But, this failed in 2021. While Hichilema maintained popularity in his traditional stronghold in Zambia’s south-west region, he also broke into Lungu’s stonghold in the north-east, and gained unprecedented support. His campaign message to end corruption, restore the rule of law and the economy resonated among the majority of voters across Zambia. His pick of Vice President and running mate in Mutale Nalumango also helped him break into Lungu’s core constituency. The educator and former vice president of the Secondary Schools’ Teachers Union of Zambia served as Movement for Multiparty Democracy Member of Parliament for Kaputa in Northern Zambia from 2001 to 2011. Hichilema’s break into Lungu’s core constituency saw Lungu cry foul that the 2021 election was not free and fair. Restoring a fractured country Hichilema has his work cut out for him. He has to endear himself to the whole country and prove that he is a national leader. This will enable him to clear his name of accusations that he is a tribalist. He also faces the daunting task of undoing the culture of violence and extortion in the political arena by party “cadres” – unemployed men who extort money, provide informal security for party elites, and disrupt opposition events. Hichilema will have to tame his own party cadres, and restore sanity through impartial application of the law to set Zambia back on the path of democratic consolidation. The task that will make or break Hichilema’s leadership, however, is fixing the economy. He has spoken large about this since he stepped on to the political stage, claiming he was best suited to fix Zambia’s economic problems. Potential supporters of Zambia’s economy, such as the IMF, demand austerity to restore its economic fortunes and set it on a path of recovery. Hichilema will have to balance austerity and the high expectations of the many unemployed young people and struggling people who voted for him. This article is republished from The Conversation under a Creative Commons license. Read the original article.

From January to April 2021, the country produced the equivalent of 620 kilos of diamonds, with the goal of reaching 9.1 million carats by 2022. Angola produced a total of 3.1 million carats of diamonds (620 kg) from January to April this year. This is a reasonable performance given the impact of the Covid-19 pandemic, said Alexandre Garrett, director of the Planning and Statistics Office of the Ministry of Mineral Resources, during a local forum on the banking and mining sectors. Angola will continue to support operators to increase diamond production and reach the target of 9.1 million carats (1,820 kg) by 2022, he added. Also present at the forum, Canga Xaquivuila, director of the Angolan Institute of Geology, said his organization would further develop the country’s significant mineral resources. “The geological institute acts as a gateway, not only to examine and improve the quality and quantity of existing minerals, but also to pave the way for new discoveries and contribute to the revitalisation of the sector, with the objective that it becomes more integrated and adapted to a good business environment”, Xaquivuila said. With a production of 8 million carats per year, Angola is now ranked fifth in the world among diamond-producing countries.

On August 23rd, the Gabonese government validated a contract with the Turkish group Desiba Energy for the construction of a 20 MW solar power plant in Doubou, near Mouila, in the province of Ngounié. This FCFA 17.7 bn (27 million euros) project aims at providing a kilowatt at FCFA 95 (or about US 0.15), and was finalized thanks to the signing of a framework agreement of investment with the Gabonese state, the Gabonese Presidency has announced. President Ali Bongo Ondimba had fixed the strategic axes and actions to be carried out as part of his Emerging Gabon Strategic Plan (PSGE) about ten years ago, intended to develop abundant, competitive, sustainable and accessible energy to all. In addition, a Transformation Acceleration Plan (PAT) intends to increase energy production capacities to 250 MW by 2023, which includes the recently executed agreement with Desiba. “This is a greenfield foreign direct investment that promotes clean energy”, declared Yves Sylvain Moussavou, Deputy Secretary General of the Government and Executive Secretary of the Transformation Acceleration Plan (PAT) in Gabon. The objective for the Gabonese government is to diversify energy production resources to have an energy mix mainly in renewable energies.

The Senegalese government has recruited 10,000 people for its “green employment” program, the Minister of Environment and Sustainable Development, Abdou Karim Sall, has announced. “These new recruits will pass a two-year test period and then we will assess before signing them CDI”, he added, specifying that 7,000 will be assigned to the National Agency of the Great Green Wall and 3,000 remaining in the various services of his ministerial department. The minister also indicated that these new recruits would intervene in the fight against deforestation, the protection of the environment, but also in the fight against bush fires. According to him, these new agents will undergo training before their deployment in the field. Senegalese President Macky Sall reiterated last March his decision to reorient budget allocations, with funding of at least 450 billion CFA francs ($800m) for a period of three years, including 150 billion in 2021. According to the Senegalese Head of State, these resources will be used to finance the Emergency Program for the employment and socio-economic integration of young people.

Under 25s are expected to total 50% of Africa’s population by 2050, causing a demand for employment to reduce poverty in the region. It’s predicted that ‘industries without smokestacks’ will account for 60% or more of new jobs in Ghana, Rwanda, Senegal, and South Africa. Notably, IWOSS industries also offer more employment opportunities for women. Africa’s youth population continues to grow rapidly: In fact, the World Bank predicts that people under the age of 25 are set to comprise 50 percent of the population of sub-Saharan Africa by 2050. Such growth has created now-urgent demand for employment that must be met for Africa to reduce poverty. To examine new strategies for job creation for the region’s youth, the Brookings Africa Growth Initiative (AGI) and its partner think tanks on the continent have been conducting research on how to support promising industries to grow and absorb low-skilled labor. While export-led manufacturing has historically led to job creation, factors like technological progress and the evolving global marketplace have meant that Africa has not been able to capitalize on the gains from manufacturing that other developing regions have. In response, AGI researchers have identified other sectors, termed “industries without smokestacks” (IWOSS), that share characteristics with traditional manufacturing and thus might play a similar role in driving economic growth and job creation. In short, IWOSS are sectors that are tradable, have high value added per worker relative to average economywide productivity, exhibit capacity for technological change and productivity growth, and show some evidence of scale or agglomeration economies. IWOSS include high-value agribusiness, horticulture, tourism, business services, ICT (information and communication technologies)-enabled services, transport, and logistics—all sectors that are growing at a faster pace and have higher labor productivity than non-IWOSS sectors like agriculture. Notably, different sectors of IWOSS can cater to Africa’s youth, whose education and skills vary widely, with tourism and horticulture largely relying on low-skilled labor while sectors like logistics and ICT require more training. The case studies for Ghana, Kenya, Senegal, South Africa, and Uganda were published earlier this year, and the recent paper “Addressing youth unemployment in Africa through industries without smokestacks” synthesizes the major findings and trends from those case studies. Overall, the case studies predict that IWOSS will account for 60 percent or more of new jobs in Ghana, Rwanda, Senegal, and South Africa; however, the share is lower for countries like Kenya and Uganda, which are projected to rely heavily on traditional, “smokestacks” industries to 2035. More opportunities for women Notably, IWOSS industries also offer more employment opportunities for women: In fact, the case studies reveal that most IWOSS sub-sectors employ a greater share of women than other sectors of the economy. Within IWOSS, tourism employs the greatest share of women (56.7 percent), while horticulture and export crops follow second at 53.2 percent. Female employees in ICT comprise only 31.7 percent of the sector; according to the authors, this finding indicates a greater need for training in digital skills for young girls and women. Policy Recommendations While the job creation potential of IWOSS relies on the fact that most roles do not require higher-level skills, a persistent lack of skills at all levels still holds their promise back. More specifically, the authors find that, for IWOSS firms to grow and create jobs, potential workers must demonstrate soft, digital, and intrapersonal skills, which can be taught through postsecondary education but require input from employers and businesses, as each sector has different demands for the skills required. Countries in the case studies have at least a moderate deficit in all six subcategories of skills: basic, problem-solving, resource management, social, systems, and technical. Notably, Ghana, Kenya, Senegal, South Africa, and Uganda have a substantial deficit in all six skills for agro-processing and tourism, and in horticulture have only a moderate gap in social skills but a severe gap in the rest of the skill subcategories. At the same time, the authors point out that gaps in necessary skills are not the only constraint IWOSS face, as poor infrastructure—like unreliable power supply and lack of or poorly maintained roads—pose major challenges for IWOSS development. Lack of competition as well as regulatory coordination issues that do not allow for customs and standards to be implemented also pose challenges. Since IWOSS face constraints similar to those of traditional manufacturing, the authors argue that policymakers are not required to choose between promoting IWOSS and manufacturing, thus enabling them to focus on forming multifaceted policies. Key takeaways of the report include the necessity of prioritizing investment in infrastructure (particularly gaps in the reliable supply of electricity), addressing the skills deficit through a demand-led approach between postsecondary education and businesses, and encouraging a competitive business environment. The individual case studies also provide country-specific recommendations for supporting the growth of IWOSS. This article was published by the World Economic Forum in collaboration with the Brookings Institution. It first appeared here.